On the economic front we lack - to borrow a phrase of M. Reynaud - not material resources but lucidity and courage.
Courage will be forthcoming if tile leaders of opinion in all parties will summon out of tile fatigue and confusion of war enough lucidity of mind to understand for themselves and to explain to the public what is required; and then propose a plan conceived in a spirit of social justice, a plan which uses a time of general sacrifice, not as an excuse for postponing desirable reforms, but as an opportunity for moving further than we have moved hitherto towards reducing inequalities. John Maynard Keynes, How to Pay for the War
Juramento a Hitler de la División Azul
¿Juráis ante Dios y por vuestro honor de españoles absoluta obediencia al jefe supremo del ejército alemán, Adolf Hitler, en su lucha contra el bolchevismo y que combatiréis como valientes soldados dispuestos a dar vuestra vida en cada momento por cumplir este juramento?
Do you swear before God and your honor as Spaniards absolute obedience to Adolf Hitler, leader of the German army, in the fight against communism and do you swear to fight as brave soldiers ready to give your lives at any moment to obey this oath?
¿Existe una brecha de género dentro del independentismo catalán?
Existen todavía pocos datos, pero las encuestas que han preguntado sobre un hipotético referéndum sobre la independencia de momento indican que los hombres son más favorables a este proyecto que las mujeres. Según las dos últimas encuestas del CEO y también en el Barometro del GESOP de invierno existe una brecha de género:
La diferencia de género es particularmente drástica cuando se plantea la salida de la Unión Europea (13,3%).
No se explica exclusivamente por un tema de identidad:
En el caso de Escocia, ya se ha comprobado que sí existe una brecha de género en el apoyo a la independencia.
En el caso catalán, quizás algo tendrá que ver la falta de paridad dentro del soberanismo. (El Consell de Cent del 2014 y Consell Assessor per la Transició Nacional, Secretariat Nacional Assemblea Nacional Catalana):
Esta dinámica se reproduce dentro de los partidos políticos. He intentado actualizar los datos del Instituto de la Mujer sobre la participación de las mujeres en las ejecutivas de los partidos catalanes:
Los principales partidos independentistas (con la notable excepción de las CUP) no tienen muy en cuenta la paridad.
Una curiosidad es Iniciativa per Catalunya, que son ejemplares puesto que han optado por una presidencia paritaria. Pero mientras afirman que su ejecutiva “és paritària al 50%”, los datos parecen indicar que eso es una exageración y solo han logrado la paridad mínima, por detrás del PP.
Estos datos no deben servir para esconder el hecho que es necesario medir y apostar por la paridad en todos los ámbitos, por ejemplo en las cúpulas de los partidos y también en las caras visibles de los mismos (hi Pere).
Y como anécdota permitidme citar al Partido de la Independencia de Islandia, que llevó al país a la ruina, Michael Lewis escribió que eran “solo hombres, hombres, hombres. Ni un sola mujer dentro.” Está claro que un exceso de testosterona no beneficia a ningún país.
Ya que el independentismo plantea inventar un nuevo tipo de estado para el siglo XXI, estaría bien que no se planteara a través de la arcaica fórmula de la no paridad.
A few things The Economist had to say about Salvador Allende
Nov 21, 1970:
It is still to early to judge Dr Allende, although the debate in foreign capitals about where he is likely to lead his country and perhaps the continent as a whole is more heated than ever. The deserted mansions of Santiago are the judgment of Chile’s moneyed people on the first marxist who has tried to rule them. Many of them have taken refuge in Argentina, the country that is likely to be the springboard for any attempt to reverse the verdict of the September elections. Or the moment, Dr Allende’s local enemies are keeping their heads down. The murder of the army chief, General Schneider (a man devoted to the principle of civilian rule), was almost certainly contrived by members of a right-wing faction. At any rate, the assassination was used by Dr Allende’s apologists as proof that the political right, not the left, poses the real threat of Chile’s democratic institutions…
There are people in the Socialist party who are prepared to brush aside the parliamentary system if they find that that is necessary in order to attain their social goals…
Even if Dr Allende is sincere in his pledges, it is certain that the time will come when he will have to fend off the hard men among the Socialists and Communists who do not want to put themselves to the test of a free election again.
Dec 26, 1970:
One of the places to watch in 1971 is going to be Chile; and the thing to watch for is whether its democratically elected marxist president keeps the machinery of democracy in existence. Already, only seven weeks after President Allende’s inauguration, the strain is beginning to show….
The thing to watch for in the new year is how Dr Allende goes about tightening his grip over the machinery of government. The new government monopoly of newsprint gives him an easy tool for taming the press…With a socialist ensconced in the ministry of the interior, Dr Allende is well placed to turn the police into a political force. State control of the banks will enable him to cut off one traditional source of election funds for the opposition parties. Although Dr Allende has promised the Christian Democrats that he will introduce a law confirming present state appointments and preventing the transfer or replacement of civil servants over a set period, it is hard to see how that could possibly work even if he could talk the hard men of cabinet into accepting it. The point is that Dr Allende’s present caution has to be seen as a tactical ploy. He will try to avoid giving his opponents a cause to rally around until he is sure he has clipped their wings.
Mar 10, 1973:
President Allende did better than he must have been fearing a couple of weeks ago, but Sunday’s election in Chile underlined the basic fact about his government: a clear majority of Chileans are opposed to it….Indeed, when the scrutineers have done their rechecking it may turn out that Dr Allende is even less popular than those figures suggest. There have been accusations of fraud, and several bags of stolen ballot papers have already been found. The process of cross-checking makes it unlikely that systematic fraud could have accounted for more than 1 per cent of the government’s vote, but if it happened on anything like that scale the facts will soon be known.
May 19, 1973:
In the midst of a mounting political crisis, President Salvador Allende’s supporters seem to be trying – not for the first time – to employ the Reichstag fire technique to discredit his opponents
June 30, 1973:
By many of the classic tests, Chile has moved a long way down the road that ends in communist dictatorship. The attack on the free press and the judiciary continues; there are moves to place the entire educational system under political control; the private sector of the economy is shriveling up under the combined effect of state takeovers, business uncertainty, and a curious system of price-rigging…
Aug 18, 1973:
The president’s constant accusations of right-wing plots no longer carry much conviction in Santiago
Sep 1, 1973:
The marxist parties in Chile never professed to have much respect for the system they described as “bourgeois democracy”, and by squeezing the private sector they have traveled a long way in less than three years towards destroying the economic base for the opposition parties and the independent press.
Sep 15, 1973:
The temporary death of democracy in Chile will be regrettable, but the blame lies clearly with Dr Allende and those of his followers who persistently overrode the constitution…
…if a bloody civil war does ensue, or if the generals who have now seized power decide not to hold new elections, there must be no confusion about where the responsibility for Chile’s tragedy lies. It lies with Dr Allende and those in the marxist parties who pursued a strategy for the seizure of total power to the point at which the opposition despaired of being able to restrain them by constitutional means….
The armed forces moved only when it had long been clear that there was a popular mandate for military intervention. They had to move in the end because all constitutional means had failed to restrain a government that was behaving unconstitutionally…
General Pinochet and his fellow officers are no one’s pawns. Their coup was home-grown, and attempts to make out that the Americans were involved are absurd to those who know how wary they have been in their recent dealings with Chile. The military-technocratic government that is apparently emerging will try to knit together the social fabric that the Allende government tore apart. It will mean the temporary death of democracy in Chile, and that is to be deplored. But it must not be forgotten who made it inevitable.
Oct 13, 1973:
It is necessary for Chile’s military rulers to show more respect for personal liberties and freedom of expression, and to make a greater effort to involve civilian leaders in the political system they have set up. After less than a month in power, they have made some serious mistakes, but at this stage none of them is irreversible. They must be allowed some time to feel their way and to tackle the enormous problems bequeathed by the Allende regime. And over this difficult transitional period they deserve a bit more of the benefit of the doubt than the western press in general has been prepared to allow them.